We, members of hundreds of civil society organizations and networks from around the world engaged in the Third FfD Conference, would like to express our deepest concerns and reservations on the Addis Ababa Action Agenda, based on both our ongoing contributions to the process and the deliberations of the CSO FfD Forum (Addis Ababa, 10-12 July 2015).
When government delegates arrived at the Financing for Development negotiations on Saturday June 20th, they were welcomed by a Global Tax Body asking them to adopt it. You can follow the @GlobalTaxBody on Twitter!
Also on YouTube now: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2MpK_ElZSbI
The outcome document for the Third International Conference on Financing for Development (FfD3) is being finalized at the United Nations in New York. This is a key moment to make an assessment and influence the issues under negotiation to ensure progress is not lost in the interests of fact-tracking consensus. The outcome document must establish new ground on a range of issues such as combatting illicit financial flows and global tax cooperation. At a side-event jointly organized by Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, APWLD, Regions Refocus, DAWN, SID, Latindadd, CIDSE, FTC, Eurodad, GPF, Social Watch, Third World Network and ANND, we want to discuss proposals and compromises on the table and look into possible outcomes of the Addis Ababa conference.
Please visist the following pages for additional information:
The large group of CSO organizations, federations and networks that engages in the Financing for Development process conducted a thorough review of the Revised Draft of the FfD Outcome Document. Here is the complete set of language suggestions that the CSO FfD Group believes are necessary for the Addis Ababa Outcome to live up to its development aspirations:
Representatives of the CSO FfD Group addressed that May 11-15 FfD Consultations and conveyed these collective concerns. Here the statements delivered during the Consultations:
Please read the latest letter by the Addis Ababa CSO Coordinating Group to the FfD Co-Facilitators regarding “Civil Society Participation to the Third International Conference on Financing for Development and its Preparatory Process”:
Here is another interesting reading re FFD3. Enjoy! Ldf
The CSO FfD Group delivered its collective statements to each of the agenda items of the Second Drafting Session of the FfD Outcome Document (New York, April 13-17). Each statement was developed through a participatory process within the CSO FfD Group on the basis of the Collective CSO Analysys & Recommendations to the FfD Zero Draft (see separate post to download the document and the three CSO General Statements on the Zero Draft):
here is sth useful to read! ldf
The large group of CSO organizaions and networks that engages in the Financing for Development process conducted a thorough collective examination of the Zero Draft, expressing strong reservations on its capacity to offer a sound basis to advance the agenda for sustainable development and heighten the level of the existing commitments on financing for development.
Civil society also conveyed its general views on the Zero Draft to the opening plenary of the Second Drafting Session. Find below the three statements:
Italian Foreign Affairs Minster Federica Mogherini calls for action to protect Christians & Yazidi as well as for support Kurds to stop ISIs:
— Federica Mogherini (@FedericaMog) August 8, 2014
Italy may well now sport a Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Development Cooperation; in fact, the good news is that the Italian Parliament gave its final clearance to the legislation to reform the Italian development cooperation system last week, on 1st August. Domestically, the final go ahead was welcomed by many decision makers and interested observers even if the general political context was not helpful as the final vote took place amidst fierce divisions around other legislation the Houses were discussing in parallel, including a substantive institutional reform.
Despite divisions across the political spectrum, the aid bill got only two nays in the plenary voting sessions at the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies. This is the final chapter in a story of attempted reforms that has spanned about twenty years. There is also an ironic side to this story: not many seemed to care about Italian cooperation, but, when it came to fixing it, all different sorts of interests coalesced to stop the reformers. Kudos to the current political leadership, in the Government and in the Parliament, that has pushed this reform through at last.
You may like it or not, but this is a comprehensive reform, which covers many aspects from governance to stakeholder’s participation, from transparency to the role of the private sector. It is hard to lump everything together in a few lines, but, nonetheless, it is worth noting down a few of the signature changes as well as the issues that the secondary legislation now in the making will have to settle.
But, before getting lost in the nitty-gritty, let me also praise my fellow CSO colleagues. For many years, CSOs have been through a struggle in the midst of on/off political interest, fundamentally reflecting the recurring crises typical of the Italian political system, dominated by a severe economic climate which provided the right context with which to kill the ODA budget, under the assumption that development cooperation means no votes.
Despite this, CSOs have kept working and now some of their flagship demands are well planted in the reform. But their job is not over as more participation – including active CSO involvement is needed to ensure that the final combination of structures and norms are up to the challenges, namely those of creating a new Italian development cooperation system ready for the post 2015 agenda.
First things first. Development cooperation has become part and parcel of the Cabinet line up as there is now a Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Development Cooperation. And not only: there is also a deputy minister for development cooperation, who will take part in Cabinet meetings whenever issues of development concern are directly or indirectly on agenda. This wide latitude of action may bode well for an increased capacity to address policy coherence, which is explicitly mentioned in the legislation along with the effectiveness principles.
In terms of planning and coordination, the Cabinet will endorse a rolling three year plan to provide clear indications as regards priorities. The three year planning document will have to go through the scrutiny of the Parliament first as well as get assessed by stakeholders gathered in the national development cooperation council, which brings together all sorts of players public and private in a consultative forum. Other aid providing administrations will take part in the planning process through an ad hoc inter ministerial committee; the aid total will be captured yearly in a specific section of the budget law to offer a comprehensive picture of the resources available, which should be allocated to ministries after agreement in the inter-ministerial committee. Provisions also include reporting on an annual basis, which should mark a dramatic departure from the current practice, whereby MPs get accounts with a two year delay.
This is not the only good news regards transparency, which should benefit from a radical change of perspective and, more specifically, from the creation of a public online database to provide timely updates on activities in the making.
The right complement to renovated governance is a brand new Italian Agency for development cooperation. The Agency will operate under the Ministry’s oversight in compliance with the Italian legislation; the actual space for the initiative of an Agency has been the subject of arm-twisting for many years, fuelled by those that, from inside and outside the diplomatic community, feared a diminished role for the Ministry itself. The Agency should provide a greater degree of permanent knowledge and responsibility compared to the current system, where all the apical roles pay tribute to the goods and the bads of a diplomatic career based on regular jobs rotation.
One notable change is in the broadening of the community of the development actors, eligible for public funding through selection procedures, which now is expanded beyond national/local government entities and development NGOs to embrace a wide range of CSO players, which are just required to have development cooperation in their missions. But the reform goes well past this as it acknowledges the for profit sector as a development actor eligible for ODA funding. At this point, so the story goes that, thanks to the vigilant work of CSOs, MPs amended the original draft to state clearly that interested companies must abide by the commonly agreed CSR standards; companies involved in arms trading are not included whatsoever.
One unexpected outcome is provision for the creation of the first ever Italian development financial institution; such a systemic change was brought about in the second reading, at the Chamber of Deputies, as the proposal was not included in the original draft tabled in the Senate. Technically speaking, it is not a new body, but rather, everything is about endowing new development goals and capacities into the “Cassa depositi e prestiti”, which is “a joint-stock company under public control, with the Italian government holding 80.1% and a broad group of bank foundations holding 18.4%, the remaining 1.5% in treasury shares…. manages a major share of the savings of Italians – postal savings – which represent its main source of funding” ( for more, check out on http://www.cassaddpp.it/en/index.html).
But the making of the new Italian development cooperation is just at the beginning as secondary legislation is needed to fix the working arrangements. In fact, within 180 days of publication, the statute of the new Agency will have to be agreed, which in turn will pave the way for the appointment of the first Director; within 90 days, the national conference will have to come to life; the framework to operationalise the Italian financial institution still needs to be discussed. CSOs have put on the table their concerns, which include the right balance between the political leadership (the Minister/Deputy Minster + the diplomats) and the operational arm (the Agency); the Agency’s capacity to seek funds from the public, which may erode CSOs’ space; fragmentation of resources – just partially addressed through the ad hoc budget annex that is a feeble interpretation of the single trust fund called for by CSOs; the actual rules that will apply to the for profit sector.
So, the clock has definitely started clicking, but it is easy to predict that all the pieces will have fallen into place not before at least 12-18 months. A lot of work still needs to be done and it is more important than ever that all stakeholders be given the opportunity to be part of the process. There is a major risk to avert – complexity: things need to be kept as easy as possible to bring on board public opinion or else the much needed popular support for development cooperation will hardly materialize.
One legitimate question to pose: will the fate of the Italian development cooperation change? Let’s be honest and remind ourselves that Italy is one of worst performers when it comes to implementing global commitments. Unfortunately, poor ODA levels – 0,16% of GDP in 2013 – are an indisputably bad presentation card. So, will Italy’s performance improve? On the plus side, efficiency, effectiveness and coherence may be better, given the substantive changes in governance, transparency and planning. But the hopes for better quantitative performance may basically rely on the new financial twist of the Italian development cooperation as grants and concessional loans cannot be expected to grow. But the financialization of cooperation is not just an Italian peculiarity and may deserve its own ad-hoc commentary beyond the scope of this piece. ldf
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Ci siano, la riforma della cooperazione italiana ha ricevuto l’ultimo sigillo: il voto conclusivo del Senato è giunto il 1 agosto: la corsa per mettere a punto tutti i tasselli della nuova cooperazione è appena partita. Abbiamo un nuovo dicastero: il Ministero degli affari esteri e della cooperazione internazionale. Giusta la soddisfazione per aver chiuso una storia di tentate riforme lunga 20 anni; non possiamo però perdere di vista proprio ora l’obiettivo finale che va oltre l’approvazione di un testo normativo e prevede la messa in opera di una struttura e di regole che devono mantenere le aspettative. Non solo: c’è infatti da intervenire su quegli aspetti che possono ancora adesso dividere, quali il ruolo del settore profit nella cooperazione.
Vale quindi la pena di appuntarsi alcune questioni per districarsi nei passaggi che dovranno essere affrontati e risolti nel giro di pochi mesi, a partire dall’entrata in vigore della riforma. Sono infatti 180 i giorni che ci separano dall’adozione dello statuto che darà sostanza alla creazione di un’”Agenzia italiana per la cooperazione allo sviluppo”; diversi gli aspetti che dovranno essere regolamentati e, fra questi, le procedure per il reclutamento del personale oltre che del primo direttore dell’Agenzia, che lascerà il segno nel futuro della cooperazione. Serve un approccio nuovo per questo passaggio, che non deve essere affidato solamente alla correttezza delle procedure. Di chi abbiamo bisogno? Di una persona che abbia una forte competenza di cooperazione internazionale e una comprovata capacità gestionale, all’altezza dei nuovi strumenti della cooperazione.
Altro capitolo è quello della trasparenza e partecipazione, che ritroviamo in più parti del testo di legge. Infatti, la cooperazione che ci piace non deve essere soltanto efficace ed efficiente, ma deve essere anche partecipata e democratica. La funzione del Consiglio nazionale della cooperazione – che deve vedere la luce rapidamente, entro 90 giorni ‑ deve essere esaltata, assicurando una genuina capacità di iniziativa oltre che adeguate modalità per la rappresentanza dei diversi gruppi di stakeholders, che consentano a tutto il mondo della cooperazione di far sentire la propria voce nei processi di programmazione e valutazione.
Ma quali sono le altre novità introdotte da questa riforma da non perdere di vista? Non sono poche le norme che modificheranno il sistema della cooperazione così come lo abbiamo conosciuto negli ultimi venti anni, ma i cambiamenti che non ti saresti aspettato possono essere riassunti in alcuni punti in particolare. Il fatto più evidente è il ruolo della Cassa depositi e prestiti di istituzione finanziaria internazionale, introdotto con emendamento nel passaggio del provvedimento alla Camera. Non solo, sempre alla Cassa viene affidato il ruolo di gestire la parte dei prestiti “concessionali” (a condizioni di tale favore da potere rientrare a tutto titolo negli aiuti): la Cassa quindi diventa il motore finanziario della nuova cooperazione italiana. Alla stipula di una convenzione fra il Ministero, l’Agenzia e la Cassa è affidata la definizione delle modalità con le quali l’attività finanziaria della cooperazione potrà prendere corpo; anche questo è un capitolo troppo importante per non essere oggetto di un processo di verifica e consultazione.
Come non ricordare poi la questione dell’inclusione del settore business fra i soggetti della cooperazione? Anche grazie all’iniziativa delle organizzazioni della società civile, il testo delle riforma richiede alle imprese di aderire a standard di responsabilità sociale; adesso si tratta di concretizzare questo provvedimento, individuando le norme di riferimento e le procedure per poterle applicare con forza e trasparenza.
Il ruolo del Parlamento e della società civile è non meno importante in questa fase, che deve essere sottratta a un approccio puramente tecnico visto che l’obiettivo è dare sostanza a scelte che sono e rimangono politiche. Occorre andare avanti, intervenendo per migliorare quanto raccolto fino ad ora; non possiamo tornare indietro.